Police and Crime Commissioners in plain English, what they control, how the budget works, and how to hold them to account
If you’ve ever felt like policing decisions happen in a locked room, you’re not alone. Most people know who their MP is, some know their councillor, but Police and Crime Commissioners (often shortened to PCCs) can feel invisible until something goes wrong.
That’s a problem, because PCCs help decide what your local force focuses on, how money is spent, and what “good performance” even looks like. And while they don’t run day-to-day policing, they can shape the big choices that affect response times, neighbourhood patrols, and support for victims.
This guide explains police crime commissioners in plain English: what they control, how the budget works, and how you can hold them to account in real life.
What Police and Crime Commissioners actually control (and what they don’t)
Think of a PCC as the person who sets the direction of travel, while the Chief Constable drives the car.
PCCs are directly elected for a police area in England or Wales. Their job is to be the public’s voice on policing and community safety, then use that voice to set priorities and challenge poor results. The House of Commons Library’s briefing on PCCs is a solid, readable summary of the model and how it works in practice (Police and crime commissioners briefing).
Here’s what a PCC does control in broad terms:
- Local priorities: They publish a Police and Crime Plan, setting the outcomes the force should deliver (for example, tackling anti-social behaviour, burglary, serious violence, or drug harm).
- Holding the Chief Constable to account: They’re expected to question performance, demand explanations, and push for changes when standards slip.
- Hiring and firing at the top: They can appoint a Chief Constable and, if necessary, start a process to remove them.
- Commissioning services: Many PCCs fund victims’ services and prevention work, often delivered by charities or local partners.
Now the limits, because this is where people get frustrated.
A PCC does not control day-to-day operational policing. They can’t tell officers who to arrest, where to patrol at 6 pm tonight, or how to handle a specific investigation. Operational independence sits with the Chief Constable.
So if you’re asking, “Why aren’t there more officers on my street?”, the honest answer is: the PCC can set the priority and fund the approach, but the Chief Constable decides how to deploy resources on the ground.
That’s also why clear priorities matter. If you want policing that focuses on prevention, catching criminals, and restoring order, the plan and the scrutiny need to reflect that, not slogans or “woke policing” that avoids tough decisions.
How the PCC budget works: where the money comes from and where it goes
A PCC’s budget role is one of their biggest powers, because priorities without money are just words.
The police budget is mainly built from two big streams:
1) Central government funding (grants)
A large share comes from national grants. These are allocated through government funding rules, and they form the backbone of most forces’ finances.
2) The council tax precept
Your council tax bill includes a policing element called the precept. The PCC proposes the precept level each year. Raise it, and households pay more. Freeze it, and budgets tighten, especially when costs rise.
This is where accountability becomes real. A PCC can’t blame “the system” forever, because the public can see the precept figure and ask what it paid for.
PCCs also manage other parts of the financial picture:
- Reserves: Savings set aside for specific risks or future spending. Reserves aren’t automatically “spare cash”, but big reserves alongside poor frontline performance will raise eyebrows.
- Commissioned contracts: PCCs often fund services for victims and community safety work, sometimes through external providers. Contract management matters, because waste here is still waste.
- Capital spending: Big purchases like buildings, vehicles, and technology can sit within the wider budget framework.
They also have to publish financial documents, including accounts and annual reports. If you want to judge whether your PCC is careful with money, focus on two questions:
Are they buying visible results?
More patrol presence, faster call handling, better victim support, and clear reductions in repeat trouble spots.
Are they challenging waste?
People are tired of public money disappearing into high salaries, consultants, and “initiatives” that don’t make streets safer. If the public expects councils to make every pound count, the same standard should apply to the PCC.
For a concrete example of how a PCC office presents its priorities and public information, County Durham and Darlington residents can use the local PCC site, including the page explaining the role and responsibilities (Your Police and Crime Commissioner in Durham).
How to hold a PCC to account (without needing a law degree)
Accountability shouldn’t mean waiting four years and voting in the dark. You can challenge a PCC during their term, and you can do it in ways that create pressure rather than noise.
Start with these practical routes.
Read the Police and Crime Plan, then test it
The plan should say what they’ll focus on and how they’ll measure success. Look for hard measures, not vague promises. If a plan talks about “community confidence” but never mentions burglary outcomes, anti-social behaviour hotspots, or response performance, it may be built to dodge scrutiny.
Use the Police and Crime Panel properly
Each PCC is scrutinised by a Police and Crime Panel (made up of local representatives). Panels can question decisions in public, and in some cases can block parts of the precept proposal. If you want your issue on the agenda, ask your local panel members what they’ve challenged recently and what answers they got.
Ask specific questions, then ask again
General complaints get general replies. Targeted questions are harder to wriggle away from, such as:
- “How many additional neighbourhood patrol hours were delivered this year?”
- “What changed in the top ten anti-social behaviour streets?”
- “How much went to victim support, and what outcomes improved?”
- “How much was spent on consultants and temporary staff?”
Use Freedom of Information (FOI) when needed
If the information isn’t published, FOI can force clarity on spending, contracts, and decision-making. It’s not about being awkward, it’s about making public bodies show their working.
Make elections count, and don’t reward excuses
PCC turnout has often been low, which makes it easier for weak performance to drift on. Treat the election like a job review: what did they promise, what did they deliver, and where did they fail?
It’s also worth keeping an eye on national direction. As of January 2026, there has been public discussion about replacing or abolishing PCCs later in the decade, with responsibilities shifting to other local leaders. If that happens, the need for scrutiny won’t vanish, it’ll just move. The principle stays the same: the public must be able to follow the money and measure the results.
And if what you want is simple, safe streets, visible policing, and leaders who don’t hide behind jargon, then push for it openly. Many people back a straightforward approach: more local officers, less “politically correct” distraction, and firm action on anti-social behaviour. That’s the standard to demand from anyone in charge of policing priorities.
Conclusion: make the role work for you, not the other way round
Police crime commissioners can’t fix every problem overnight, but they do control the priorities, the plan, and a big chunk of the money. That’s enough power to change outcomes, if they’re serious, and enough power to deserve serious scrutiny.
If you want a country where promises are kept and leaders can’t dodge responsibility, stay engaged, ask direct questions, and vote like it matters. If that message speaks to you, Join Reform UK, Vote Reform UK, and keep pushing for safe streets, honest spending, and a Britain that can Make Britain Great Again.
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