Reform UK Durham Meeting: Alan Mendoza on Britain’s Future
Durham politics rarely stays local for long. At this City of Durham branch meeting, the conversation moved from club banter and student life to Ukraine, Iran, migration, food security and whether Britain still believes in itself.
That mix suited Reform UK Durham. Local people know the strain of weak infrastructure, pressure on GP services, high energy bills and the feeling that too many decisions are made far from County Durham. This meeting tried to tie those daily frustrations to a wider case for sovereignty, growth and national confidence.
A warm Durham welcome and a speaker with weight behind him
The evening opened in relaxed style. Visitors from other branches were welcomed, village members were thanked for travelling in, and Durham University students got a cheer for braving both the cold and the campus mood. There was even a brief comic interruption over the music, which gave the room the feel of a real branch meeting rather than a polished set-piece.
A few early mentions helped set the tone:
- Dave and the club committee were thanked for hosting.
- Students were told to bring more friends next time.
- Club membership got a plug at £5 a year, with the joke that the bar discount soon pays for it back.

After a quick nod to last year’s guest speakers, attention turned to Dr Alan Mendoza. He was introduced as Nigel Farage’s adviser on global affairs and foreign policy, and as a strong supporter of Ukraine’s independence. That mattered because it pushed back against claims that Reform is soft on Putin. Mendoza’s wider background gave the room a sense of why he had been invited. He is the co-founder and executive director of the Henry Jackson Society, and his arrival in Reform was covered by City A.M..
Brexit, Europe and a foreign policy built on British interests
Mendoza’s view on Brexit was blunt. Leaving the EU was the right decision, he argued, but the delivery was poor because those in charge never had a proper picture of what post-Brexit Britain should look like. In his telling, that lack of clarity let European negotiators box Britain in.
His answer was not hostility to Europe. It was a looser, more practical relationship based on trade, co-operation and sovereignty. Britain should be able to trade with European neighbours as it does with other countries, without drifting back into rules it cannot control or obligations it never openly voted for.

He also made a tactical point. If Reform wants to renegotiate parts of the current settlement, it should not wait for office and start with a row. It should build alliances now with politicians across Europe who also want a more flexible arrangement. He pointed to changes on the continent, especially in France, as proof that the political map can shift quickly.
The line from the platform was clear: Britain should trade freely with Europe, but govern itself.
That same approach shaped his wider foreign policy case. Britain, he said, should stop funding international bodies that work against its interests, stop acting timidly in institutions such as the UN, and start thinking like a serious country again.
Ukraine, defence and why Britain still needs hard power
On Ukraine, Mendoza rejected the idea that a softer line or an earlier Minsk-style settlement would have solved the problem. His view was that dictators bank concessions and come back for more. He linked that to Georgia in 2008 and, by historical analogy, to the failure to stop Hitler early enough in the 1930s.
That thinking ran through his assessment of Russia, Iran and China. Putin, he argued, understands pressure rather than goodwill. Iran’s regime remains dangerous at home and abroad, even as protesters challenge it. China, in his view, is the long-term strategic threat because it wants influence, leverage over infrastructure and access to sensitive data. America therefore remains Britain’s indispensable ally, but Europe must stop expecting Washington to carry most of the burden.

He spent plenty of time on practical defence. Britain still has diplomatic reach and a solid defence base, he said, but both need rebuilding. That means more spending, more industrial capacity and a stronger navy. One reason is simple: undersea cables carry modern Britain’s data, finance and communications. Protecting them is not abstract grand strategy. It is basic national security. He also spoke positively about defence co-operation with Ukraine and about past campaigning against Huawei’s role in UK infrastructure.
Migration, integration and the fight over British identity
Some of the sharpest questions came on migration, radical Islam and parallel systems of law. Mendoza stressed that Islam is not a single block and drew a distinction between moderate Muslims and radicals who want to replace British norms with their own rules. He argued that radicals also threaten moderate Muslims, which is why he backed tougher action, including a ban on the Muslim Brotherhood.
He pointed to the Birmingham row over Israeli football fans as a sign of institutional weakness. His complaint was that authorities had, in effect, found it easier to restrict those at risk than confront those threatening violence. Whether on policing or public order, his theme was the same: the state should defend ordinary people and uphold one standard.
Migration sat in that same frame. He described small-boat crossings as a direct failure of border control, and he said Britain must stop looking like a soft touch. Yet he also pressed the case against very high legal migration, especially where low-paid work is paired with heavy pressure on housing, services and welfare.
Integration was the wider issue. English, a shared civic culture and one legal system were presented as non-negotiable. Mendoza argued that heavily segregated areas weaken social trust and make it harder to defend equal treatment. The same frustration carried into schools, universities and the civil service, where he said public institutions have become too political and too willing to shut down debate.
Energy, farming and putting Durham first
When the meeting turned back to County Durham, the room sharpened again. Energy security and farming were not treated as side issues. They were central to whether Britain can recover growth, lower bills and protect its way of life.
Mendoza argued that high energy costs are choking households and business, so Britain should use more of its own oil, gas and nuclear capacity instead of relying on imports and expensive green dogma. He criticised the logic of biomass at Drax and warned against giving foreign powers too much control over strategic energy assets.

Those points landed because Durham’s local priorities are practical. The branch talks about backing tradespeople and small firms, restoring prosperity, cutting waste and keeping communities safe. Farming fitted neatly into that picture. Audience members spoke about pressure from wind and solar schemes on productive land, and Mendoza agreed that farming is not only about output. It is also about jobs, food security, rural history and the survival of places that still hold communities together.
The message Durham members were left with
One of the most striking exchanges came when an attendee asked why anyone should trust another crop of former Conservatives. Mendoza’s answer was that Reform’s energy does not come from Westminster defectors. It comes from ordinary members who want honesty, accountability and a country their children can still recognise. His move to the party, also noted in The Jewish Chronicle’s coverage of his switch to Reform UK, was presented as a response to that wider movement.
The strongest thread running through the night was trust. Durham members want secure borders, lower energy bills, stronger defence, safer communities and common-sense government that protects local heritage instead of wearing it down.
If that speaks to you, Join Reform UK, support the local branch, and be ready to Vote Reform UK. For many in the room, the aim was plain: put Durham first, keep promises, and Make Britain Great Again through action rather than drift.
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